A Brief Study of Muslim Politics in India

By Shoaib Mohammed

Introduction

Historically, the social fabric of Muslims in India has always been part of “bhartiyata” for centuries and they were as much integral to Indian society as Hindus. The consideration of Muslims as a distinct political category started at the very introduction of the modern democratic system in the early 20th century.

In post independent India, religion has been one of the one major bases of politics. The case has been similar with Indian Muslims. However, the nature of Muslim society in India is not homogenous. Most political parties including Muslim political parties are victims of this myth. Indian Muslims are divided into many social and political groups. Its voting behavior too has not been homogenous. As a result, no single political party is able to mobilize the Muslim community as a whole.

Muslim Political Discourse

According to Hilal Ahmed, Associate Professor at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, postcolonial Muslim politics in India is often understood with regard to the destruction of Babri Masjid on December 6, 1992. The demolition of the mosque is placed in an interesting narrative of the ‘rise and fall’ of Muslims in India by establishing a link between the Babri Masjid and a wide range of issues, events and episodes. Unfortunately, Muslim political parties themselves have rented this narrative.

One has to give up the Babri Masjid-centric grand narrative of Islam/Muslims in India to examine the diverse engagements of Muslim groups with postcolonial political realities. Three significant aspects of the Muslim Political discourse can be identified:

• The coalitional nature of Muslim politics: Post-Independence, Muslim politics has always been coalitional. The best example for this would be how the Muslim League in South India had approached the Congress for an electoral alliance at the local level in 1951. The same trend continues to this day. Muslims on their own cannot elect a candidate unless they strike an alliance with at least one of the dominant Hindu castes.  
• The adherence to a constitutional language: The known ‘Muslim’ political demands have always been defined in purely legal-constitutional terms. The Babri Masjid episode is a revealing example to elaborate this point. The most noticeable aspect of the Muslim position is that it gives least importance to the religious or shariat angle to the Babri Masjid case.
• The evocation of Muslim identities for social justice: The debate on Muslim reservation goes beyond the overarching notion of ‘Muslim backwardness’ in a very significant way. The declaration passed by a few Pasmanda Muslim organisations, Political Agenda of Pasmanda Muslims in Lok Sabha Elections, 2014, offers us a very relevant critique in this regard. This declaration not only addresses the multifaceted question of reservation in a nuanced legal-constitutional manner, but also establishes a link between the caste question and other political issues

No longer kingmakers

We were used to beliefs that every party needs Muslim votes to win elections. This was truer in states where Muslims had substantial presence. Nonetheless this was simply a myth and the BJP and its saffron alliance partners have broken it completely. The 2014 Lok Sabha election had proved that the Muslim votes have been relegated to margins. BJP’s win on 282 seats was clear signal that it was no longer true. Now the same experiment has been repeated in Assam by the BJP that had cobbled together an unbeatable alliance in the state with Mahanta’s Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) and Bodos. The BJP has realised that by fragmenting Muslim votes, their chances improve substantially. This is the reason that it props up “Muslim parties” in different areas and cuts Muslim votes to size.

Muslim Political Parties

Now in this background, Muslim political parties emerge claiming to be the sole protectors of Muslim interests in the country. If the assume that the Muslim political parties make a mark (with only Muslim vote bank), it will force all secular parties to reckon with one simple truth: that they are essentially Hindu parties offering a protection racket for the minorities. This however adds to the further polarization of the society.

Further,

• The nature of the Muslim political parties is regional, sub-regional & urban.
• Rural Muslim Community is not represented through the Muslim political parties.
• OBC Muslim Community too is not represented through these Muslim political parties.

Fact: Muslim political parties divide secular votes

A report in Hyderabad based Siasat says AIUDF was responsible for Congress’ loss in Assam, the same way Asaduddin Owaisi’s MIM destroyed the chance for Congress in Maharashtra. The report says: “Should Muslim organisations be representative of Indian Muslims? This question has perturbed political analysts for a very long time. Muslim organisations and leaders are worried about accusations that the All India United Democratic Front (AIUDF) was trying to indirectly help the BJP win election in Assam. This has finally proved right.

Taking Advantage of the Situation

The BJP’s victory of its rivals in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections has made the All India Majlis-e-Ittehad-ul-Muslimeen (AIMIM) more relevant than ever before. In large part, this is the result of the aggressive, majoritarian brand of politics practised by the BJP and its affiliates, which has strengthened and spread the feeling of powerlessness and alienation among the Muslims. The emergence of the AIMIM as a strong claimant of Muslim votes, outside Hyderabad and adjoining areas, should be seen as a reaction to this increased religious polarisation.

Also, the marginalization of Muslims in the overall political discourse of the country by the ruling party provides an advantage for parties like the AIMIM to claim political leadership of the community.

The geographical spread of Muslims in India, especially their scattered presence, makes it necessary for the AIMIM to pursue a more moderate and inclusive agenda. The continuous push by Mr. Asaduddin to seek an electoral understanding with most Backward Caste and Scheduled Caste groups has to be understood in this light. This again proves the Muslims’ adherence to constitutional a constitutional language and coalition.

The Way Ahead!

What is needed now is the emergence of an intellectual and political leadership that ascribes to and deploys the language of religious thought where needed, and also promotes an understanding of citizenship rooted in the constitution and its values. The way forwards for India’s Muslims is not a retreat from the political arena, nor a continued surrender into the hands of certain clerics obsessed with safeguarding their power, but mobilisation behind a new political leadership (not necessary Muslim) that will assert their citizenship, with all its attendant rights and duties under the constitution, securing the protections and privileges that can allow them to be agents of their own uplift.

References

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